« Weaponising 280 characters: What 200,000 tweets and 4,000 bots tell us about state of Twitter in Sri Lanka » by Sanjana Hattotuwa, Yudhanjaya Wijeratne and Raymond Serrato

The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has released a report on social media, « Weaponising 280 characters: What 200,000 tweets and 4,000 bots tell us about state of Twitter in Sri Lanka ». The report is available for immediate download here.
The report is a collaboration between Sanjana Hattotuwa, a Senior Researcher at CPA and the head of the Civic Media Team and two leading data scientists – Yudhanjaya Wijeratne, based in Sri Lanka and Raymond Serrato, based in Germany. It is a response to an unprecedented social media phenomenon in Sri Lanka, with disturbing as well as potentially deeply disruptive implications for the health of the country’s democratic dialogue and electoral processes.
The recent violence in Kandy brought social media under renewed scrutiny for its role, reach and relevance in contributing to the production and spread of violent, hateful content. Starting late March, weeks after the cessation of the violent attacks, Twitter users began noticing a tsunami of accounts with no bios, no tweets and the default profile picture following them. Several fake Twitter accounts were identified to be promoting false or misleading content during the violence in Kandy. This, coupled with the heightened production of suspicious Twitter accounts raised red flags amongst Twitter users.
Given the scale and scope of the infestation, CPA’s English language civic media platform Groundviews, for the first time in the Sri Lankan Twittersphere, took the step of making public its block list, which other users could import. Even this measure though was not enough to address the high frequency with which new, fake accounts were being created, attaching themselves to prominent Twitter users in Sri Lanka. A preliminary analysis of 1,262 accounts, a subset of the larger dataset used for this report, indicated that the majority of suspicious accounts following Twitter users were bots.
A visualisation of the number of accounts targeted by the bots revealed that leading diplomats, Ambassadors based in Sri Lanka, the official accounts of diplomatic missions, leading local politicians, the former President of the Maldives, media institutions, civil society organisations and initiatives, leading journalists, cricketers and other individuals were amongst those who had large numbers of bot followers.
Considering bots are now a permanent feature of Sri Lanka’s Twitter landscape and will likely grow in scope and scale leading up to elections or a referendum, it is important to ask how to address the issue at scale, given the number of citizens – directly connected as well as influenced by those connected – involved.
Even with its limited scope and data, this report is a clear snapshot of the political landscape we now inhabit, and projects in the future real dangers that result from just the visible investments made around key social media platforms, which are today the key information and news vectors for a demographic between 18-34.
This report by CPA follows the path-breaking data driven study into the bots and trolls associated with a prominent politician in Sri Lanka, published in January 2018, which was also a collaborative research exercise with Yudhanjaya Wijeratne. Download Namal Rajapaksa, bots and trolls: New contours of digital propaganda and online discourse in Sri Lanka here.
For further information and media inquiries, please contact Sanjana Hattotuwa on sanjanah@cpalanka.org.
Source:The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA)

« Sri Lanka’s Special Task Force » report by International Truth and Justice Project

International Truth and Justice Project released in April 2018 a report on Sri Lanka’s Special Task Force.

The report can be download here

Please find below the presentation of the report by International Truth and Justice Project team

« This report on the Special Task Force (STF) is based primarily on the testimony of Sinhalese insiders who worked for the unit in the past and former Tamil paramilitaries.  

“This work in the white vanning unit had been like being a horror film. This lifestyle had become part of my normal life. We were surrounded by violence, corruption, fear, anger and hatred. Life was very cheap.”

In the East of Sri Lanka, witnesses describe some STF officers ordering summary executions of prisoners, conducting false flag operations and condoning sexual violations.

The report makes the case that the STF should not be deployed as UN peacekeepers without stringent vetting and screening. The ITJP has prepared a confidential list of more than fifty STF officers whom it believes should be barred from serving in UN peacekeeping missions.

This report on the Special Task Force (STF) is based primarily on the testimony of Sinhalese insiders who worked for the unit in the past and former Tamil paramilitaries.  

“This work in the white vanning unit had been like being a horror film. This lifestyle had become part of my normal life. We were surrounded by violence, corruption, fear, anger and hatred. Life was very cheap.”

In the East of Sri Lanka, witnesses describe some STF officers ordering summary executions of prisoners, conducting false flag operations and condoning sexual violations.

The report makes the case that the STF should not be deployed as UN peacekeepers without stringent vetting and screening. The ITJP has prepared a confidential list of more than fifty STF officers whom it believes should be barred from serving in UN peacekeeping missions.

This report on the Special Task Force (STF) is based primarily on the testimony of Sinhalese insiders who worked for the unit in the past and former Tamil paramilitaries.  

“This work in the white vanning unit had been like being a horror film. This lifestyle had become part of my normal life. We were surrounded by violence, corruption, fear, anger and hatred. Life was very cheap.”

In the East of Sri Lanka, witnesses describe some STF officers ordering summary executions of prisoners, conducting false flag operations and condoning sexual violations.

The report makes the case that the STF should not be deployed as UN peacekeepers without stringent vetting and screening. The ITJP has prepared a confidential list of more than fifty STF officers whom it believes should be barred from serving in UN peacekeeping missions. »

சாட்சியங்களை சேகரித்தல்

விசேட அதிரடிப்படை

விசேட அதிரடிப்படை பற்றிய இந்த அறிக்கையானது கடந்த காலத்தில் இந்த அணியில் பணியாற்றிய உள்ளக சிங்களவர்களின் சாட்சியங்களையும் முன்னாள் தமிழ் ஒட்டுக்குழுவினர்களின் சாட்சியங்களையும் அடிப்படையாக கொண்டது.

‘வெள்ளைவான் கடத்தல் அணியின் வேலையானது ஒரு பயங்கரமான படம் போல இருந்தது. இது சாதாரண வாழ்க்கைமுறைபோல் மாறியிருந்தது. வன்முறை, ஊழல், பயம், கோபம் மற்றும் வெறுப்பு என்பன எங்களைச் சூழவும் இருந்தது. உயிர் என்பது மிகவும் மலிவானதாக இருந்தது.’

இலங்கையின் கிழக்கில் தடுத்து வைக்கப்பட்டுள்ளவர்களை கண்மூடித்தனமாக கொல்லுதல், மறைமுகக் கொலைகள் மற்றும் பாலியல் வன்முறைகளை அனுமதித்தல் போன்ற நடவடிக்கைகள் இடம்பெறுவதற்கான கட்டளைகளை சில விசேட அதிரடிப்படை அதிகாரிகளே  மேற்கொள்வதாக சாட்சியாளர்கள் தெரிவிக்கின்றனர்.

விசேட அதிரடிப்படையினர் ஐநாவின் இறுக்கமாக மீளாய்வு மற்றும் சோதனை இல்லாமல் அமைதிகாக்கும் படையினராக ஈடுபடுத்தக்கூடாது என்பதை இந்த அறிக்கை சுட்டிக்காட்டுகின்றது. ITJP ஆனது ஐநா அமைதிகாக்கும் நடவடிக்கைகளில் பணியாற்றுவதில் இருந்து தடைசெய்யப்படவேண்டும் என நம்பப்பபடும் 50 மேற்பட்ட விசேட அதிரடிப்படையினரினரின் பெயர்களைக் கொண்ட இலகசிய பட்டியல் ஒன்றைத் தயாரித்துள்ளது.

 

සාක්ෂි ගොනු කිරීම

පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය සාධක බලකාය

පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය සාධක බලකාය (STF) ගැන මේ වාර්තාව ප්‍රධාන වශයෙන් පදනම් වී ඇත්තේ එම ඒකකයේ අතීතයේ සේවය කළ සිංහලයන් සහ හිටපු දෙමළ අතුරු සන්නද්ධ කල්ලි සාමාජිකයන් ගේ සාක්ෂි වාචක පදනම් කරගෙනය.

සුදු වෑන් කණ්ඩායමේ වැඩ හරියට ත්‍රාසජනක චිත්‍රපටියක වගේ. ඒ ජීවන රටාව මගේ සාමාන්‍ය ජීවිතය බවට පත්වෙලා තිබුනා. අපි වටේම තිබුනේ ප්‍රචණ්ඩ ක්‍රියා, දූෂණ වංචා,බය, තරහ සහ වෛරය. ජීවිතය හරිම සිල්ලර දෙයක් වෙලා තිබුනා.”

නැගෙනහිර ශ්‍රී ලංකාවේ දී  ඇතැම් STF නිලධාරීන් නඩු නොඅසා සිරකරුවන් ඝාතනය කිරීමට අණදීමත්, වෙනත් කණ්ඩායමකට වරද පැටවෙන සේ ප්‍රහාර දියත් කිරීමත්, ලිංගික ප්‍රචණ්ඩතා සඳහා අනුබල දීමත් සිදුකළ ආකාරය සාක්ෂිකරුවන් විසින් විස්තර කර තිබේ.

දැඩි පූර්ව පරීක්ෂාවකට හා නිශ්කාෂණයට යටත් නොකොට පොලිස් විශේෂ කාර්ය සාධක බලකාය එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සාමසාධක කටයුතු සඳහා නොයැවීම සඳහා මෙම වාර්තාව කරුණු දක්වයි. එක්සත් ජාතීන්ගේ සාමසාධක රාජකාරි වල යෙදීම තහනම් කළ යුතුයැයි තමන් විශ්වාස කරන පනස් දෙනකුට වැඩි  STF නිලධාරීන් පිරිසකගේ රහස්‍ය නාම ලේඛනයක් ITJP විසින් සම්පාදනය කොට තිබේ.

source: http://www.itjpsl.com/reports/special-task-force#english

« Caste in the United States: A Survey of Caste among South Asian Americans » by Equality Lab

« This report came out of a community driven survey conducted in 2016 and has now emerged as a crucial document that both presents the first evidence of Caste discrimination in the US and helps to map the internal hegemonies within our communities. It also provides insight into how the South Asian community balances the experiences of living under white supremacy while replicating Caste, anti-Dalitness, and anti-Blackness.

As the South Asian American community, we are uniquely situated to redeem the errors of history as well as set the tone for a progressive conversation around Caste, both here and in countries of origin. »

via: https://www.equalitylabs.org/caste-survey-2018

To download directly the report: https://nofile.io/f/OXRXwaHU0dG/Caste+Survey+2018+Full.pdf

Le rapport de la Commission des Droits de l’Homme des Nations Unies

Le Conseil des Droits de l’Homme des Nations Unies réuni en session à Genève en septembre 2015 a adopté une résolution concernant la situation passée et présente de Sri Lanka sur la base du rapport détaillé fourni par le Haut Commissaire des Droits de l’Homme. Nos lecteurs peuvent prendre connaissance de ces deux textes dans leur version anglaise; une analyse détaillée en sera faite ultérieurement

OHCHR Report 2015
United Nations Resolution

« Torture of Tamil detainees in Sri Lanka has continued, says charity » by Julian Borger

Sri Lankan security forces have continued to torture Tamil detainees even after the election of reformist president Maithripala Sirisena in January, according to a report.

The report, by the UK-based charity Freedom From Torture (FFT) and published on Thursday, comes just four days before critical parliamentary elections on 17 August. Sirisena, elected on a promise to lift government repression, is seeking to prevent a comeback by his predecessor, Mahinda Rajapaksa, whose government has been accused of systematic brutality against the country’s Tamils after the military rout of the Tamil Tiger rebels in 2009.

see: http://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/aug/13/torture-tamil-detainees-sri-lanka-report-alleges

« Dark clouds over the Sunshine Paradise: Tourism and Human Rights in Sri Lanka » by Society for Threatened Peoples by

‘During the war, many Tamils fled the north and settled abroad or in other regions of the island. Since the end of the war, many of them have wanted to return and reclaim their land. However, the army has other plans: the appropriated estates have become
Military Camps, High Security Zones (HSZ) or Special Economic Zones (SEZ).’

http://assets.gfbv.ch/downloads/report_sri_lanka_english.pdf

CPA’s extensive work on land issues that has been referenced in this report can be accessed here http://bit.ly/1EgJoEp

« Transitional Justice in Sri Lanka and Ways Forward » by Centre for Policy Alternatives

With the end of the war in 2009, the need to address the widespread death, destruction, and displacement was overwhelming. Allegations against all sides of potential war crimes and crimes against humanity demands an independent investigation and the prosecution within a credible court of law of those responsible for international crimes committed during the final stages of the war and during its aftermath. The Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) has consistently called for such independent investigations and other accountability measures to address truth, justice, reparations and non-recurrence of violence in Sri Lanka. This appeal continues six years after the end of the war. In this report, CPA sets out a range of processes and mechanisms available to the Sri Lankan government to ensure accountability for serious human rights violations and alleged crimes committed during the war. While many stakeholders are identified in the report, the ultimate responsibility for truth and justice in Sri Lanka lies with its citizens; accordingly they must play the central role in the design and implementation of future processes and mechanisms. CPA hopes that the options provided in this report enrich the discussions and debates about the design and implementation of a credible domestic process with the long term goal of achieving truth and justice in Sri Lanka.

« The ‘Unfinished War’ Against Sri Lanka’s Tamils » by Taylor Dibbert

This is a well-written, timely document which underscores the grave and comprehensive challenges that ethnic Tamils continue to face in post-war Sri Lanka. The detailed accounts of torture and rape are difficult to read, but – aside from the horrific violations recounted – what really stands out is the comprehensive, wide-ranging and pernicious nature of Sri Lanka’s state security apparatus, which continues to operate with impunity.

see: http://thediplomat.com/2015/07/the-unfinished-war-against-sri-lankas-tamils/

« Sri Lanka: New report names torture camps and perpetrators » by Athula Vithanage

« A security force insider has told ITJP researchers that military intelligence officials operating from JOSEF camp ‘were actively looking for any Tamils returning home from abroad in order to interrogate them’, since President Maithripala Sirisena was elected to office in 2015. ITJP has recorded eight accounts of torture and abuse that happened after January 8, 2015, the most recent in July 2015. »

see: http://www.jdslanka.org/index.php/news-features/human-rights/543-sri-lanka-new-report-names-torture-camps-and-perpetrators

« The ‘Unfinished War’ Against Sri Lanka’s Tamils » by Taylor Dibbert

This is a well-written, timely document which underscores the grave and comprehensive challenges that ethnic Tamils continue to face in post-war Sri Lanka. The detailed accounts of torture and rape are difficult to read, but – aside from the horrific violations recounted – what really stands out is the comprehensive, wide-ranging and pernicious nature of Sri Lanka’s state security apparatus, which continues to operate with impunity.

see: http://thediplomat.com/2015/07/the-unfinished-war-against-sri-lankas-tamils/

Report « Broadening gender: Why masculinities matter » by by CARE International Sri Lanka

The study, « Broadening gender: Why masculinities matter – a study on attitudes, practices and gender-based violence in four districts in Sri Lanka » was conducted by CARE International Sri Lanka, under its Empowering Men to Engage and Redefine Gender Equality project and launched in April 2013.

via: http://www.partners4prevention.org/resource/broadening-gender-why-masculinities-matter

Présidentielles 2015: nouvelle analyse

Après le rapport de deux chercheurs de l’Université de Colombo reproduit antérieurement (slkdiaspo.hypotheses.org/4222), nous attirons l’attention sur une nouvelle analyse préélectorale, à deux jours du scrutin, qui parvient aux mêmes conclusions sur la base d’une méthode différente.

Presidential-Election-2015

Présidentielles 2015: l’analyse de deux chercheurs de l’Université de Colombo

L’analyse pré-électorale proposée par deux chercheurs attachés à l’Université de Colombo, qui avait fait l’objet de fuites dans la presse, est la seule à ce jour à avoir été publiée et à avoir exposé les méthodes employées. C’est à ce titre que nous la proposons ci-dessous à nos lecteurs.

January 01, 2014

We, the undersigned, wish to put the record straight regarding a research we two jointly have undertaken to develop an empirical model to analyse the Sri Lankan voter behavior at Presidential elections over the past 10 years with the objective of contributing to the body of social research.

1. This research team was jointly led by us; T L Gunaruwan, Senior Lecturer attached to the University of Colombo and D S Jayaweera, an independent policy analyst, currently the Director General of the Sri Lanka Tourism Development Authority.

2. There is no formal involvement of the University of Colombo or SLTDA in this research, as it is the case with regard to most of our research activities, and any involvement one could imagine is limited to the extent of us being employed at these organisations, and the research team being comprised of several junior researchers and research students attached to the University of Colombo, and our academic and research contact points at several other Universities.

3. Our interests were purely academic and research in nature, and thus, we never released any of the interim outcomes of our still-ongoing research to media. However, we have recently observed several news items in media pertaining to a “Colombo University survey” on presidential elections, some of which even contained our names, but with some contents we cannot claim ownership.

4. Even though we cannot exclude the possibility of there being other surveys conducted by other researchers attached to the University of Colombo and other academic and research institutions on this subject, it would be unfair if such are quoted or published without the explicit consent of any such researchers, including us, and more so if the contents are not properly reported so that misleading opinions could be developed in the minds of the readers.

5. Since we realise the possibility of these numerous reports quoting out of context our research and their various outputs, we thought of putting the record straight by releasing to media the outcomes of our research as it stood at 27th December 2014, while requesting all concerned to avoid using these for any marketing or propaganda purposes. We, however, have no objection of anyone or organisation using these for further research work or for their internal planning and strategic decision making purposes.

T Lalithasiri Gunaruwan, Senior Lecturer (Economics), University of Colombo, and

D S Jayaweera, Policy Analyst (Currently the DG/SLTDA)

January 01, 2015

Attached: Outcomes of our Research as at Dec 27, 2014.

SURVEY ON VOTING PATTERNS – Presidential Election 2015

(Survey conducted by a research team of the University of Colombo)

Sample :

(a) Relatively smaller sample (little less than 1000) compared to total population of little over 15 million. Survey forms were collected at convenience, and therefore, district-wise or electorate-wise representative sampling could not be realised. The results have to be perceived having proper understanding of this aspect.

(b) Over 80% of the sample were Sinhala Buddhists, and thus this sample has that bias, given that the overall share of Sinhala Buddhist voters is approximately 70% of the total votes.

(c) No survey responses were obtained from North (except one respondent from Jaffna, and two from Mullativu), while much larger number of responses were obtained from East, North Central, Western and Southern provinces. Only a few responses were obtained from Central, Uva, Wayamba and Sabaragamuwa Provinces.

(d) Sample characteristics indicate that it is overwhelmingly biased towards Mahinda Rajapaksa, as out of those who have cast their votes in the respective elections, over 75% had voted for MR in 2010 and 2005 elections (when his national average stood around 58% in 2010 and just above 50% in 2005).

Results:

1. Around 20% for the first time voters and nearly 13%-15% of the total respondents are still undecided. This indecision is still substantially high, and means that a lot could still change, particularly through the events and behavior of parties over the next two weeks.

2. Only 1% of the respondents in the aggregate sample pronounced preference to vote for a third candidate, while nearly 3% would vote for no one. These ratios are 2% and 7%, respectively, with regard to fresh voters. This indicates the likelihood of relatively lesser share of votes polled by any candidate other than the two main contenders, while the cancellation rate also is likely to be relatively low (please note that this percentage is compatible with what was observed at past national elections).

3. In the face of it, 44% to 39% split between MR and MS in a highly “MR-biased” (as explained in “d” above) sample points at the highly competitive nature of the forthcoming election, where the possibility of MR’s share going below 50% is substantial.

4. The present survey thus adopted a different approach to examine the trends. The 2015 vote base was divided into “new votes” and “non-new votes”; and the share of votes polled by individual candidates were considered with regard to “new votes”, while the “shifts” away from MR (in 2010) to MS (in 2015) and vice-versa were estimated and applied on to the population with regard to “non-new votes”.

5. As per the survey results, MR would obtain 38% of the “new-votes” while MS would obtain 33%. The balance would be accounted under votes obtained by other candidates, non-voters, and those who are still undecided.

6. With regard to “non-new votes”, nearly 28% of those who voted for MR in 2010 would shift towards MS this time and 11% would still be undecided, while 4% of those who voted for Sarath Fonseka in 2010 would shift towards MR in 2015 while 11% would be undecided. It is interesting to note that nearly 30% of those who voted for MR in 2005 Presidential election would deflect towards MS in 2015, and around 9% of those voted for Ranil Wickramasinghe in 2005 would deflect towards MR in the coming election.

7. Applying the basic survey results to the overall population, and using the 2010 election results as the basis for projections, it could be estimated that the chances are greater for MS to win this election with around 53% of the total valid votes, assuming that the absentee voter ratio stays unchanged at around 25%.

8. This pattern was cross examined through an “ethnicity based” analysis. This was attempted because the survey sample appeared overwhelmingly “Sinhalese”, and any shift calculated based on such a biased sample would only apply to that particular ethnic electorate. The results indicated the likelihood of MS securing a lead of over 2 lakhs of votes over MR in this electoral block, paving the way for an MS victory with a likely preference for him in Tamil and Muslim electorates. The survey results indicate that MS could secure the required 50% of total valid votes if he manages to get around half of the Tamil and Muslim votes, while MR would require over 60% of the Tamil and Muslim votes if he is to surpass MS in the overall competition and to cross over the crucial 50% threshold.

9. The results thus indicate the importance for both candidates of their margins secured in the Sinhalese electorate, which accounts for over 112 lakhs or three-fourth of the total number of registered voters. For instance, one lakh of lead lost for MS in the Sinhala electorate than the above indicated survey estimates would necessitate him to secure over 57% of minority votes (compared to nearly 50% required in the case of two lakhs of lead in the Sinhala electorate) for overall election victory.

10. Based on the survey estimates and a hypothetical 35:65 ratio of minority votes split between MR and MS respectively, the ethnicity specific analysis would yield an overall outcome closer to that projected under (7) above, with nearly 60 lakhs of votes (53%) polled by MS, 50 lakhs (44%) by MR, and 3% going to others.

11. However, it must be emphasised that nearly 20% of the first time voters, and around 13% of the overall electorate, are still undecided, which could go into either camp over the next two weeks, and could either reinforce or reverse the overall estimates made in this analysis. It is interesting to note that only less than 1% of the overall respondents pronounced interest in constitutional reforms or economic hardships such as high cost of living or unemployment. An overwhelming majority expressing preference for MR was for his war effort, strong leadership against external intervention, national unity and not reverting back to war or separatism, and those preferring MS were largely owing to accountability, transparency and governance issues in the MR rule. It is therefore very clear that the Sinhalese vote base, largely reflected in the sample surveyed, is sensitive to the national issue, and those still undecided among them, even though a majority has not given reasons for their indecision, are prone to tilt towards the camp which assures them of peace and national security. Strategic sail through the next two weeks of campaigning is therefore likely to be crucial for both candidates.

Conclusion

This analysis therefore tends to indicate a probable victory for MS at the forthcoming Presidential elections. However, there is a significant share of undecided voters, which makes the competition still wide open for both parties; and the estimates made in this analysis are likely to be influenced by the decision that will be made by these undecided voters over the next two weeks.

T L Gunaruwan (University of Colombo) and D S Jayaweera (SLTDA)

Joint Survey Analysts

December 27, 2014

« The Presidential Commission to Investigate into Complaints Regarding Missing Persons: Trends, Practices and Implications » by CPA

The present critique by the Centre for Policy Alternatives (CPA) captures key issues and trends observed during public sittings of the Commission and the perceptions of affected communities and civil society who have observed and engaged with the present process. At the very outset CPA notes that the Commission, operating under the Commissions of Inquiry apparatus, is structurally flawed, given its dependence on the Executive for appointments, financing and follow up action. Having observed a string of failed State initiatives at transitional justice in recent years and the lack of progress with past Commissions appointed by successive governments, CPA calls for immediate steps to be taken for legal and policy reform that provides for a genuine and credible domestic process at truth seeking, justice and accountability. Failure in this regard further confirms the inability of domestic processes to address grievances in a post war context and strengthens calls for international investigations.

Access the full document here – http://www.cpalanka.org/the-presidential-commission-to-inv…/

« Infographic: 5 Facts about Sri Lanka’s Up Country Tamil community » by CPA

This is the second in a series of infographics that have been designed using the latest findings from the ‘Democracy in Post War Sri Lanka’ survey conducted by Social Indicator, the survey research unit of the Centre for Policy Alternatives.

In light of the Koslanda landslide tragedy, the findings from the survey with regard to the Up Country Tamil community is of significance – here is a community badly affected by the state of the economy, whose key issues are poverty and unemployment and feel like they have very little say about the affairs of the country. These findings are not new – looking at survey data from four years ago it is evident that things have only got worse or stayed the same.

When comparing the findings from the four main communities, it appears that the Up Country Tamil community is the most affected by the current state of the Sri Lankan economy, making serious cut backs in the household expenditure. Almost 60% of households in the Up Country Tamil community say that they have cut back on the amount or quality of food they purchase while 58.2% of households have gone without medicine or medical treatment.

Overall, the findings from the Democracy survey show that priorities when it comes to development, impact of the cost of living on the household, freedom of expression and movement, satisfaction with reconciliation efforts, sense of empowerment as citizens of Sri Lanka vary by different ethnic communities and even by Provinces.

Read the latest top line report in full here.